Stars and Sickles - An Alternative Cold War

[katchen]

In Southern Africa, the 1950s saw the entrenchment of white-minority rule and South African dominance of the region. The government of South Africa introduced a variety of discriminatory legislation to marginalise non-whites. The first of these was the Population Registration Act (1950), which introduced ID cards for over-18s, specifying racial group (White, Black, Indian or Coloured). This was followed by the Immorality Act (1950), an anti-miscegenation law which echoed of the Protection of German Blood laws in Nazi Germany. A more serious law passed by the South African parliament was the Group Areas Act (1950), which formally segregated residential areas in South African towns and cities, where different races had formerly lived side by side. This act was strengthened by the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act (1951), which allowed the demolition of (largely black) shanty towns. The Bantu Authorities Act (1951) took this initiative even further, legalising the deportion of blacks into designated 'homeland areas', which tended to coincide with areas of poor economic value.

Equaling residential restrictions in severity was the political restrictions enacted by the South African Parliament. The Suppression of Communism Act (1950) defined Communism so broadly that any "scheme aimed at bringing about any political, industrial, social or economic change" was banned. In effect, anything that opposed the National Party's rule. To strengthen the National Party's electoral strength, the Separate Representation of Voters Act (1951) was introduced. This revoked the franchise of non-whites, placing them on powerless ethnic voting roles. The disenfranchisement of the Coloured minority was considered unlawful by the Supreme Court, when challenged in the case of Harris v Minister of the Interior. The government responded by increasing the number of Appellate Division judges from 5 to 11, the 6 new judges all being pro-government. Having taken away their voting rights, the government sought to force the Bantu peoples into unskilled labour by passing the Bantu Education Act (1953), which enforced racially-segregated educational facilities, as well as a separate curriculum for blacks and whites.

In response to these policies, the African National Congress (ANC) adopted the Programme of Action, a strategy to defy the government through non-violent resistance, inspired by the tactics of Mahatma Ghandi. In 1952, in alliance with the SAIC, Congress of Trade Unions and the Coloured Peoples' Congress, the ANC embarked on the Defiance Campaign, a major non-violent resistance movement amongst primarily Black, but also Coloured and left-wing white (largely Jewish) communities. The government moved to evict non-whites from the historic black cultural centre of Sophiatown in Johannesburg, which was received with protests from locals, who refused to move. In response, in February 1955, Sophiatown was invaded by 2,000 policemen, armed with rifles, handguns and knobkierrie clubs, forcibly moving black families from Sophiatown to Soweto township. The other ethnic groups were also dispersed: Coloureds to Eldorado Park in Southern Johannesburg, Indians to Lenasia (South of Soweto) and Chinese to central Johannesburg. The area was rezoned and renamed "Triompf" and became a suburb populated largely by poorer Afrikaners.

Whilst the National Party was consolidating power over South Africa, the Merina hovas that ruled Madagascar were experiencing crisis. The economy was in ruins, and other ethnic groups were starting to develop underground political organisations to oppose the Merina. In 1952, the Merina elite found their salvation in the discovery of the world's largest diamond mine at Ilakaka, in the South of Madagascar. Incapable of extracting the minerals effectively, the Malagasy sought capital and technical assistance from South Africa and Rhodesia, where several businessmen, including Ernest Oppenheimer of De Beers [30] showed interest in the Ilakaka mine. After Oppenheimer's investment, numerous other mining magnates scrambled to invest. The South African government provided arms and cash to the hovas in exchange for rights to the exploitation of the mine. As expected, very little of the wealth developed by the Ilakaka mine was seen by ordinary Malagasy, who were conscripted into mining, often by hand. They were forced to work, even during periods of extreme heat, with little food or water. Many that collapsed from exhaustion were summarily executed, or subject to other atrocities, such as forced sodomy and dismemberment. This would prove merely the beginning of collaboration between the apartheid regime and the Merina. Moderates within the MDRM elite had been purged, such as Jacques Rabemananjara. Instead, Joseph Raseta took power, and who had been a promising intellectual quickly descended into a kleptocratic tyrant [31].

To the North, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland (FRN) had been founded. The Federation had originated in the designs of the Southern Rhodesian European elite to gain control of the copper mines of Northern Rhodesia. Although many considered the Federation an economically-sound concept, progress had been slowed by rivalry between the British Colonial Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office (formerly the Dominion Office). The Colonial Office controlled Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, whilst the CRO indirectly controlled Southern Rhodesia, although in reality, it was largely administered by Sir Godfrey Huggins (by 1955, the 1st Viscount Malvern). Huggins proposed a unitary state, rather than a Federation, but this idea was blocked by the British, and instead a Federation was preferred by them, who feared Southern Rhodesian dominance of the property and income franchise. On 8 November 1950, negotiations began for a federal state began. Although many issues between the parties were overcome through compromise, Colonial Office Assistant Undersecretary for African Affairs Sir Andrew Cohen proved key in overcoming political deadlocks. Cohen, a Jew, personally hoped that the other territories would moderate white dominance in Southern Rhodesia, seeing the paternalistic racism of Rhodesia preferable to the open White supremacy of South Africa. He was to be mistaken. By 1953, negotiations were complete and a referendum was held (only Whites were eligible to vote), which established the Federation. Legally, the Federation was semi-independent, a "quasi-Dominion", with 5 main branches of government: Federal, British and a branch for each of the 3 territories.

Huggins became Prime Minister from 1953 to 1956 (succeeded by Sir Roy Welensky), overseeing a period of economic success, which silenced many critics of the Federation. Upon founding, it's GDP was 350 million GBP, which jumped to 450 million a mere 2 years later. This wealth was highly concentrated around the white minority, however. In 1955, construction began on the dam at Kariba, the largest human-built dam in the world at that time. The construction of the dam necessitated the removal of about 57,000 of the local Tonga people living along the Zambezi. In the early 1960s, Operation Noah was also mounted, saving thousands of native animals from Lake Kariba's rising levels.

The Federation was initially fairly liberal in regards to native rights. There were African junior ministers, whilst a decade earlier, only 70 Africans were eligible to vote. While intended to appease African demands for representation, it wasn't considered enough, and Africans began to increasingly demand the same priviledges and rights as Whites. British opinion also began to turn against the Federation. In 1956, Northern Rhodesian Governor Sir Arthur Benson wrote a confidential letter to Whitehall criticising the Federation and Prime Minister Welensky. Two years later, Huggins managed to obtain a copy, revealing it's contents to Welensky. British Prime Minister MacMillan did little to prevent the developing crisis, which he attributed to inter-ministry rivalry and Welensky's personal anger at the insults in the letter. British-Rhodesian relations were irreparably damaged. Meanwhile, Dr Hastings Banda of Nyasaland returned from Britain, and Kenneth Kaunda became the leader of the Zambian African National Congress (ZANC). In 1959, the FRN banned the ZANC, as well as declaring a state of emergency. Welensky used the state of emergency to transition the FRN to a unitary state, abolishing all but the Federal branches of government [32], as well as unilaterally declaring independence. The secessionist FRN was supported both by the South African government and the Portuguese, who had recently built a railroad from Luanda to Lourenco Marques through Rhodesia, which was used to export North Rhodesian copper [33].

[31] I'm not actually sure how likely Raseta is to be corrupt. It seems to be quite difficult to find information about early Malagasy politicians. If anyone knows a more likely candidate, please let me know.

[32] This obviously did not happen IOTL, and there would be considerable opposition to such a move. However, the Rhodesian Army is on the side of Welensky and the federal government.

[33] The Portuguese in Angola and Mozambique are ITTL very supportive of both Apartheid South Africa and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.

Both Portugal and Belgium (which wants support for it's actions in the Congo) are likely to both support and diplomatically recognize Greater Rhodesia. This is still the 50s and unlike South Africa, the Rhodesian white minority is both small and undivided, ethnically. Rhodesia does not have the Afrikaner-British balance to give them reason to discourage white immigration the way South Africa did. How much white European (or failing that, Latin American) immigration do you think Rhodesia can attract at a time like this? Can Rhodesia compete with Australia and Canada as a destination for immigrants and thereby build it's economy and perhaps even industrialize?

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

One possible idea for Iran is to have the coup against the PM in 1953 either fail, or not happen at all. I think that's the main reason why the Iranian revolution happened.
A fascist Israel, thanks. Thanks a lot.

Yeah, I've been considering the fate of Iran, especially since the Iranians are likely to be more US-oriented than OTL, since the Soviets are present in the North. Since the Soviets are supporting the Tudeh Party, the Americans might be playing it more safe than OTL. OTOH, there's a whole bunch of different dynamics at play. With Mossadegh looking to nationalise Iranian oil, the Soviets and US may be forced into a 'bidding war' over who can concede the most, currying the Iranians' favour. Iran would be a big prize for the Soviets. Even if Mossadegh isn't willing to go with them, the US perception matters more than the reality, policywise.

What do you mean by thanks a lot? Sarcastic, I guess, but is it a personal issue, or...? I'm a little confused.

Both Portugal and Belgium (which wants support for it's actions in the Congo) are likely to both support and diplomatically recognize Greater Rhodesia. This is still the 50s and unlike South Africa, the Rhodesian white minority is both small and undivided, ethnically. Rhodesia does not have the Afrikaner-British balance to give them reason to discourage white immigration the way South Africa did. How much white European (or failing that, Latin American) immigration do you think Rhodesia can attract at a time like this? Can Rhodesia compete with Australia and Canada as a destination for immigrants and thereby build it's economy and perhaps even industrialize?

Yeah, Rhodesia-Nyasaland is going to be pro-Katangan separatism, which is going to set up a rivalry between South Africa and Congo. Rhodesia is going to accept a lot of immigrants from places like Argentina and Britain. I think Rhodesia will attract a decent amount of middle-class immigration, but a lot of poorer people will be going to Australia instead. This immigration will slow though, as Rhodesia gets increasingly "South African-esque", and starts to attract international ire.

 

[historybuff]

I was being sarcastic there with the Israel remark.
How far do you plan to take this TL do you think? I may have ideas for possible future leaders of some countries.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

I was being sarcastic there with the Israel remark.
How far do you plan to take this TL do you think? I may have ideas for possible future leaders of some countries.

I'm planning to take it to at least 2000, but I'm wary to go much further than that. I'd love to hear any and all ideas! Feel free to mention them here, or PM me, whichever you prefer.

 

[historybuff]

Maybe after Stalin's death, the Soviet Politburo passes a law forbidding one man from holding 2 offices at the same time like Stalin did with General Secretary and Premier.
One possible Soviet leader group could be in the 80's: Fyodor Kulakov (General Secretary.): Yuri Andropov (Premier, and Dmitry Ustinov (Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, or Head of State.)

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

Maybe after Stalin's death, the Soviet Politburo passes a law forbidding one man from holding 2 offices at the same time like Stalin did with General Secretary and Premier.
One possible Soviet leader group could be in the 80's: Fyodor Kulakov (General Secretary.): Yuri Andropov (Premier, and Dmitry Ustinov (Chairman of the Supreme Soviet, or Head of State.)

Given that accumulation of titles was a Politburo pastime, I'm skeptical about the plausibility of it. I've got Khrushchev in mind for Stalin's successor. I know its not particularly out there, but I have reasons for it.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

A New World: Blood on the Sands (pt.2)

In the aftermath of the Suez Crisis, Nasser found himself in a prime position to exploit the instability of neighbouring Arab states. The leadership of Syria were becoming increasingly concerned at the threat of a takeover by Khalid Bakdash's Syrian Communist Party. Army Chief of Staff Afif al-Bizri was known to be a prominent supporter of the Communists, raising the spectre of a military takeover. The ruling Ba'ath Party was increasingly losing votes to other parties (Syria had been democratic since the 1954 overthrow of Adib al-Shishakli's military government), and was becoming disillusioned with the multi-party system. Meeting with President Shukri al-Quwatli and Prime Minister Khaled al-Azem of Syria, Nasser pressured the Syrian delegation to remove Communists from their government, only agreeing to a merger between Syria and Egypt after the Syrians insisted that a total unification would be the only way to prevent a Communist coup. Nasser accepted, but on the conditions of the abolition of political parties (as was the precedent in Egypt), a plebiscite, and the withdrawal of the army from politics.

In February 1958, Egypt and Syria were united as the United Arab Republic. Nasser was the President of the new nation. He established a 600-seat parliament, with 400 delegates from Egypt-Sudan and 200 from Syria. Each of the two provinces had two Vice-Presidents, who answered to Nasser himself. This system was to be hastily re-organised after the inclusion of Iraq.

The UAR was a major threat to the Hashemite monarchies of Iraq and Jordan. As a response to this threat, King Abdullah of Jordan [39] and King Faisal II of Iraq united their countries as the Arab Federation (in reality a Confederation), with Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri as-Said as Premier. Both nations had been members of the Central Treaty Organisation since 1955, and were staunch allies of the Western powers, particularly Britain and the United States. But as-Said put too much faith in the Sunni military corps in Iraq. Federation troops were ordered to the frontier with the UAR. Their general, Abd al-Karim Qasim, took advantage of the opportunity to overthrow the monarchy, murdering as-Said, King Faisal and the entire Iraqi branch of the Hashemites. The Arab Federation was dissolved, and Jordan and Iraq were again separated.

Although the Iraqi coup professed adherence to pan-Arabist ideology, Qasim began to rule as an autocrat, relying on a balancing act between the pan-Arabists and the Communists to remain in power. This strategy wasn't sustainable in the long-run, however. The Soviets mediated talks between Nasser and the Iraqi Communist Party. The Iraqi Communist Party was dominated by ethnic Kurds from the North of the country, and there was a significant faction in the Party that wanted to unify Iraqi Kurdistan with the ROKu. Nasser was fully aware of the pan-Arab opposition, and a settlement with the Iraqi Communist Party would eliminate the main opposition to pan-Arab Republicanism in Iraq. In October 1958, Qasim was shot dead in a Baghdad suburb by Kurdish members of the ICP. The Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister, Col. Abdul Salam Arif entered immediately into negotiations with Nasser for Iraqi incorporation into the UAR, which became final in early 1959. Utilising plausible deniability and appealing to rhetoric about self-determination, Nasser allowed local plebiscites in overwhelmingly Kurdish areas, which inevitably voted for union with the Republic of Kurdistan. Iraqi Kurdistan and the town of al-Hasakah in Syria joined the ROKu.

Meanwhile, Lebanon was undergoing crisis. In June 1958, Lebanese President Camille Chamoun sought to illegally gain another term in office, which provoked Nasserist opposition against his rule from Lebanese Muslims and the Sunni Prime Minister Rashid Karami. Small-scale fighting occurred in Northern Lebanon and Mount Lebanon. Fuad Chehab, commander of the army, refused to intervene with the military, so the government was supported by militias from the Lebanese wing of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP). Chamoun requested intervention from the United States, which intervened by sending a force of 8,000 U.S. Marines into Beirut. A government of national unity was formed, headed by Gen. Chehab. The Soviet Union vocally opposed U.S. intervention, and the UAR and Soviet Union were pushed closer together.

In Iran, democracy was undermined. The late 1940s had been a period of political crisis, with the murders of Abdol-Hossein Hazhir and Ahmad Kasravi by Feda'ian Islam assassin Sayed Hossein Emami; and the attempts on the lives of journalist Mohammad Masoud [40] (who took refuge in Azerbaijan) and the Shah himself. After the assassination attempt, the Shah increased his involvement in government, attributed by historians as motivated by paranoia and feelings of vulnerability. The Shah established the Iranian Constituent Assembly in order to amend the Constitution and expand his legal powers. He also established the Iranian Senate, which was half composed of the Shah's loyal supporters. Amongst many liberals, leftists and clergy, this movement towards royal absolutism was worrying, and the National Front was formed under Mohammad Mossadegh. The National Front managed to achieve a majority in the Majlis, appointing Ayatollah Abol-Qassem Kashani as Speaker. On March 7, 1951, Prime Minister Ali Razmara was killed by another Feda'ian, Khalil Tahmasebi. Hossein Ala' replaced Razmara, but in elections was easily ousted by Mossadegh. As Mossadegh stepped into the position of Prime Minister, he was making powerful enemies. Palpable tension existed between the Pahlavi Shah and Mossadegh, who was closely related to the former Qajar Dynasty (privately, the Shah is rumoured to have referred to Mossadegh as "that Qajar dog"), which was deposed by the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's father, Reza Shah. Within the National Front, Mossadegh's liberal faction continued to butt heads with the clergy (led by Ayatollah Kashani) and their Feda'ian henchmen. In October 1951, nevertheless, their was a near-unanimous vote in the Majlis to nationalise the oil industry. Feda'ian mobs attacked individuals that disagreed with nationalisation, angering Mossadegh, who desired stability for Iran. The Mossadegh government was vigorously opposed by the British, who feared for their single largest overseas asset, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). The Americans, by contrast, were initially supportive. The Dewey Administration was lukewarm to British imperialism, seeing it as a public-relations liability. Under the Eisenhower Administration, however, a different current of Republican foreign policy, galvanised by US experience in China, felt it necessary to preserve the strength of any Western state, imperial or otherwise. Sensing the risk of wholesale nationalisation, Mossadegh attempted to negotiate terms in regards to oil shares, proposing to Soviet and British delegates the reduction of their shares to 20% and 25% respectively, taking inspiration from the American share adjustments with the Venezuelan (Romulo Gallegos/Creole Petroleum compromise) and Saudi governments (ARAMCO compromise). Both the British and the Soviets steadfastly rejected the deal. Nevertheless, the Iranians nationalised the oil industry, provoking the Abadan Crisis. The Abadan Crisis refers to the blockade of Iranian oil exports between 1951 and 1954, in opposition to the nationalisation. The Crisis pressurised the Iranian government, and was maintained until the coup that ousted Mossadegh. By 1953, the religious faction in the Majlis had also turned against Mossadegh, completely aligning themselves with the Shah. The Communist Tudeh Party, who claimed to be pro-Mossadegh, were also increasingly infiltrating the military, which spooked the Eisenhower government. Despite Mossadegh's distaste for Tudeh, he began to rely upon them increasingly as his other support bases peeled away. By mid-1953, the Prime Minister was coming under both literal and metaphorical fire for the economic crisis, and a (clearly falsified) referendum to dissolve the Majlis and give the PM the power to enact laws passed with 99.9%. The Shah, stripped of his powers, allied himself with the CIA and MI6, who performed a coup (timed to preempt a possible Soviet-packed Communist coup), killing Mossadegh and installing General Zahedi as the new Prime Minister. Double agents who had infiltrated Tudeh faked an attempted Communist counter-coup, which was then ferociously put down by Zahedi, breaking the effective power of the Tudeh Party. The Shah was gradually given absolutist powers over the following years, which eventually culminated in the overthrow of the Shah and the institution of the Islamic People's Republic by the People's Mujahedin of Iran years later.

[39] ITTL, the lack of Palestinian exodus after 1948 butterflied away King Abdullah's assassination, so he is still in power.

[40]Mohamed Masoud was killed IOTL, but ITTL he promotes anti-Shahist views with the support of his Soviet hosts in the APG.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

bumpity bump. Opinions?

 

[Dan]

No opinion, I'm enjoying it and waiting for the next part.

This feels like it's building up into something and now I'm curious to find out what.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

The World in 1959

Whilst I haven't finished the 1950s yet, I figured I'd put up the map, since I haven't been able to post for a while (aside from the most recent update), real life and all.

Any questions, feel free to ask. (there is one or two things in there that I didn't include in earlier updates, but which I'll either add in soon, or just add into the eventual reboot, since I plan on doing an improved version after finishing this TL).

 

[Grand Prince Paul II.]

Poor Austria
When will the occupation finally end?

I guess you changed your mind and the Stalin-Tito Split did not happen ITTL.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

Oh, my bad, I forgot to fix Austria! (Knew I'd forgotten something). The Tito-Stalin split does still happen. The red merely means the states are Communist, not necessarily allied. And as you may have noticed, Yugoslavia has annexed Albania ITTL.

 

[historybuff]

I can tell you've done your research on this. I'm not familiar with some of the stuff you mentioned, like the attempt to make a union out of Egypt and Sudan. Did you ever mention what happened to Stalin? Also, with Yugoslavia annexing Albania here, what becomes of Enver Hoxha?

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

I can tell you've done your research on this. I'm not familiar with some of the stuff you mentioned, like the attempt to make a union out of Egypt and Sudan. Did you ever mention what happened to Stalin? Also, with Yugoslavia annexing Albania here, what becomes of Enver Hoxha?

I haven't yet. Admittedly, the structure has become a little bit convoluted, and that's something to address in the eventual reboot. For instance, I realised I pretty much failed to mention Yugoslavia at all here, so I might retroactively put in an update about it soonish (just have a few things to do IRL). I also wanted to introduce some narrative parts, like I did in my New Afrika TL. So I'll likely introduce those soon (inspired by my great-uncle's experiences, who was a member of the Yugoslav secret police). With Enver Hoxha, he'll either be shafted (house arrest) or assassinated. I haven't decided yet, but it seems it wouldn't have been too hard to get rid of him historically.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

"It will do for the moment": Yugoslavia, 1940s.

Hey guys, just wanted to flick the clock back a little here and post what I've got on Yugoslavia so far. Enjoy:

No other nation had done it. Redemption. A truly indigenous liberation. In all the other nations of Europe, the Nazi yoke had been lifted by a foreign power, be it Russia, Britain or the Americans. But the Yugoslavs had freed their own soil through their own defiance. Tito's Partisans had broken free from their shackles and proceeded to beat the oppressor with their own chains.

As the end of the war in Europe approached, the victors were scrambling for the spoils of victory. On 1st May 1945, the Yugoslav 4th Army arrived in the historic city of Trieste (or Trst, as the Yugoslavs called it). As the Yugoslavs entered the city from the East, 2nd Division New Zealand troops under the command of the British 8th Army entered from the West. As the Yugoslav troops entered the town, 2,500 anti-fascist partisans rose up against the remaining German troops. Although the remaining 4,000 German troops were capable of putting down the local resistance, they were supported by the heavily-armed Yugoslav 4th Army, and instead the Germans remained in their fortifications, including Castle San Giusto and Castle Miramare. Although at first stubbornly against surrender, the local SS commanders eventually surrendered to the New Zealand forces, aware of Yugoslav impatience (the Yugoslav troops had already stormed several buildings, including the Tribunale, that were occupied by German troops).

Immediately, the occupying forces began to develop separate administrative organs in Trieste. The Yugoslavs formed the Liberation Front, a Communist and Slav-dominated organisation headed by Franc Štoka. The Liberation Front was opposed by the Venezia Giulia CLN, an Italian anti-fascist administration who membership was politically diverse. Support for the Front came from many sources, particularly trade strongholds such as the ship-building town of Montfalcone and groups such as the 'Anti-Fascist Women' organisation. Local Slovenes were ecstatic about the Yugoslav occupation. In one notable demonstration, the long-persecuted local Slovenes proclaimed "Trst je Naš!" ("Trieste is Ours!"). By contrast, the Italian Triestini were less enthusiastic about the presence of "uncultured" and "barbaric" Slavs. Instead, the young, bikini-clad Italian women of Trieste proved quite popular amongst New Zealand soldiers, which greatly contributed to the sympathy of the New Zealanders for the Italian Triestini.

"Another holdout of Germans. Really not too fussed about this one, t'be honest. Damn Yugos will be kicking up a storm as usual", Private Wilson thought to himself as he accompanied his section into the town square. The rest of the platoon would arrive soon. His C.O. and their local interpreter, an Italian, approached a section of Yugoslavs that blocked their path. The Yugoslav officer, a large man, seemed overbearing and rude. The interpreter turned to the C.O., Corporal Smith and recounted the Yugoslav's speech to him. "Oh so now you want to go fight? You spend all your time hiding in your tanks and are too scared to do anything. We have liberated this city, not you. Now go back to your base and fuck some Italian whores, Engleska pička...". Although they had only been in the city for about a week, the New Zealanders had become very familiar with the extensive lexicon of Yugoslav curse words, and Corporal Smith, who had always had a prickly sense of honour, knew exactly what that meant. The Corporal launched a vicious suckerpunch at the Yugoslav officer, but it failed to knock him off his feet. Instead, the Yugoslav, showing a strength disproportionate even for his large size (he must've been 6"1 and 100kg), delivered a deep hook to the Corporal's gut. The Corporal quickly folded over, and the Yugoslav grabbed him by his collar and his belt buckle, slamming him headfirst into a nearby stone wall, killing the Corporal. Red blood glistened on white stone. "you fucking bastards!" shrieked Pvt.O'Malley, who drew his pistol. Immediately, the Yugoslavs raised their rifles and fired almost in unison. A bullet tore into O'Malley's shoulder, quickly followed by a fatal wound to the chest. Stevenson and Jones were also put down quickly. Wilson ran, desperately hurrying to get to the rest of the platoon. Surely the heard the gunshots. Unintelligible shouts filled the air behind him, and a bullet grazed his hip. Wilson just kept running.

Wilson's platoon was retreating to the beach. A few hours earlier, what should've been a routine rat hunt turned Trieste into a battlezone. The rest of the platoon had tried to attack the Corporal's murderers, but they were quickly repulsed by rapid Yugoslav reinforcements. It seemed that the Yugoslav Maj. Gen. Dušan Kveder had ordered a full-scale attack against the New Zealand forces. Kiwi forces were holed up in Castle Miramare, and had been cut off by the Yugoslavs. The British command told the New Zealanders to regroup on the beach, where they could be evacuated if absolutely necessary. Things weren't looking great. The 28th Maori Battalion had been sent in to push back the Yugoslavs. Despite giving a good showing compared to the other New Zealand troops, they hadn't proven a match for the Yugoslavs. Wilson had never seen anything like it. The Maoris could fight as good as anybody, and although they had given the odd Yugoslav a good thrashing, the commies could fight just as well, and they were good with their knives too. It seemed that in any given engagement between equally-sized Maori and Yugoslav forces, it could go either way. It seemed unnatural, given that through the whole North Africa and Italian campaigns, the Maoris had proven reliably effective shock troops. Now, he saw small groups of them come onto the beach, a stoic yet sad look on their face. The face of a warrior tasting his first defeat. At that moment, a Yugoslav T-34 erupted onto the beach...[41]

As the Yugoslavs evicted the New Zealanders from the city centre, the British moved their offshore destroyer closer to the city, and sent a squadron of low-level bombers to screen the New Zealand retreat/regroup. although several 2 of the planes were shot down by Yugoslav mobile AA fire, the tanks that had broken onto the beach were disabled. British command entered into frantic talks with the local Yugoslav commander. The Yugoslavs claimed they had been attacked by New Zealand forces, whilst the British claimed that the Yugoslavs opened fire on them. Historical sources are inconclusive as to what really occurred, given the existence of incompatible accounts from New Zealand and Yugoslav eyewitnesses. What historians do know is that Churchill proposed a large-scale attack to force the Yugoslavs out, but this was seen as politically disastrous by the American leadership. President Wallace pushed Churchill to seek a compromise, fearful of antagonising the Soviets and undermining any peaceful post-war order.

Almost simultaneously as the incident at Trieste, Yugoslav troops (also of the 4th Army) entered Klagenfurt (in Austrian Carinthia) on midday of the 8th May 1945. 3 hours earlier, British troops had entered the Northern suburbs of the city. The streets were choked with refugees of all nationalities, fascist collaborators and sympathisers fleeing from the Russians and Yugoslavs. Slovene Home Guards, Ustashe and local Austrian Nazis pushed through the streets towards the British lines, desperate to surrender to the Western Allies. A standoff ensued between Yugoslav and British forces. The Yugoslavs claimed Klagenfurt, and the rest of Carinthia, as a rightful part of Slovenia, and thus Yugoslavia. They also demanded that the British relinquish those collaborators that surrendered to the British. The British, unwilling to give them up (knowing that they wouldn't get a fair trial), refused. They also countered the Yugoslavs by noting that Klagenfurt was specified as part of the British occupation zone in Austria.

As tensions increased in Trieste and Klagenfurt, the British, Americans, Yugoslavs and Soviets entered into tense negotiations. In the end, and much to the chagrin of the British, it was decided that the Yugoslavs would get Trieste (and Pula, which was returned in 1947) and part of Carinthia, encompassing those areas South of the Drava River[42]. The Yugoslavs were happy with this compromise.

With their patrons gone, the Venezia Giulia CLN was banned. They subsequently went underground, printing anti-Slav leaflets. They remained popular with the local Italian population, despite the efforts of the government. CLN militias were disarmed, and a few local "fascists" were deported by the State Security Administration (UDBA), after being rounded up by the 'People's Defence' (Guardia del Popolo/Narodni Zašciti) militia. Local German troops were summarily executed. Trst was incorporated into Yugoslavia as an autonomous republic, technically part of Slovenia (with the same relationship Vojvodina had to Serbia), but administered separately by Štoka.

Elsewhere, Yugoslav expansion was more peaceful and diplomatically-based. Albania, like Yugoslavia, had been liberated by Communist partisans, but with more than a little help from Tito's partisans themselves. The Albanian political leadership was acutely aware of the need for strong allies, and strengthened ties with the Soviet Union in a September 1945 treaty which exchanged Soviet grain and technical advice in oil and mineral extraction for Albanian tobacco, copper ore, oil and preserves. Despite this major trade agreement with the Soviets, a February 1946 plenum called for a "close alliance between Albania and Yugoslavia", and both Albanians and Yugoslavs seemed largely enthusiastic about union between the two countries. By December, plans had been made for cooperation between the two nations, utilising coordinated economic plans, common companies, customs unification, a revaluation of the lek in terms of dinar, the unification of armies and eventually the incorporation of Albania into the Yugoslav federal structure.

By 1947, the Yugoslavs and Albanians had established joint industries in several primary fields and the Yugoslavs were providing Albania with a financial subsidy equivalent to 10% of their total annual income. The Yugoslavs were also assisting in the construction of a coast guard base on Sazani Island, off the Albanian coast[43]. Despite this, the Yugoslavs refused to assist the developing of manufacturing industries, irritating some Albanian leaders, such as Enver Hoxha, who saw it as a ploy to force Albania into economic dependence on Yugoslavia.

Meanwhile, Tito was entering into negotiations with Bulgarian leader Georgi Dimitrov to reach an agreement on the creation of a Communist Balkan Federation. Whilst the Bled Agreement was reached on the 1st August 1947, which paved the way for the unification of the two countries, the unification process fell victim to Stalin's power-lust. The veteran Kremlin puppetmaster back in Moscow was furious he hadn't been consulted. Whilst the Bulgarians quickly fell in line, prominent Yugoslav politicians Edvard Kardelj and Milovan Djilas were summoned to Moscow. By the end of the trip, they were convinced that Yugoslav-Soviet relations had reached a fundamental impasse.

After Kardelj and Djilas' return from Moscow, efforts to incorporate Albania into Yugoslavia were hastened. In November of 1947, the Yugoslavs accused prominent anti-Yugoslav Albanian politican Nako Spiro of attempting to "sabotage the economic relationship between Yugoslavia and Albania". In despair, Spiro committed suicide. This left the pro-Yugoslav faction very powerful in the Albanian Central Committee. Whilst Hoxha was still nominally in charge of the country, the faction of Koçi Xoxe was becoming increasingly powerful, and began to purge the Central Committee of "bourgeois-nationalist" opposition. In January 1948, Stalin strangely informed the Yugoslavs that they "can swallow what they want" regarding Albania, a seeming about-turn on his previous position. In February, Stalin informed Hoxha that he was sending a Lieutenant-General to oversee the reorganisation of the Albanian army, to ease coordination with the Yugoslav Army.

Early 1948 saw the final consolidation of Yugoslav control over Albania. In February, a Central Committee meeting called by Xoxe resulted in the expulsion of Mahmet Shehu and other anti-unionists. In April, Xoxe puts forward a formal proposal for the incorporation of Albania into Yugoslavia. Hoxha, aware of increasing tension between the Yugoslavs and the Soviets, refuses the proposal. By the end of May, Hoxha was dead, assassinated by Xoxaist members of the Sigurimi (the state security apparatus)[44]. The coming June saw the Central Committee accept the proposal for unification with Yugoslavia. By July, Albania was admitted as the Seventh Yugoslav Republic. Although there was some initial unrest (the Serbs felt that the Albanians got two votes, including Kosovo, whilst they only got one), a solution was reached with the incorporation of Kosovo into Albania proper and the annexation of Metohija by the Serbian SFR. The Soviets immediately broke relations with the Yugoslavs, denouncing them as 'Trotskyists' who were perverting the cause of the revolution, as well as 'bourgeois nationalists'. The Soviets immediately began to amass tanks on the border, and the Hungarian Army was rapidly expanded from 2 divisions to 15. Bulgarian and Hungarian troops probed Yugoslav defences, but were quickly repelled by steadfast Yugoslav resistance, which tactfully refused to follow them into their home territory, providing a pretext for Soviet intervention. Nevertheless, Tito was secretly worried about the chain of steel and turrets that was being strung across the Northern and Eastern borders...[45]

[41]This incident didn't happen OTL, but there were several close-run incidents between the New Zealanders and Yugoslavs in Trieste. As one person I talked to (whose father was in the NZ forces at Trieste) put it: "they didn't trust the Yugoslavs as far as they could throw them". It was funny to see his reaction when I informed him of my Yugoslav heritage

[42]This doesn't include Klagenfurt, but it does include Villach, the second largest city in Carinthia. Although Klagenfurt is a historic city for Slovenes, it is (and was by then anyway) overwhelmingly Austrian-German in population.

[43]IOTL, this base was built by the Soviets, and was a submarine base, built to threaten the US 6th Fleet, based in Napoli. ITTL, it is built to prevent smuggling between Italy and Albania.

[44]Obviously, this did not happen IOTL either. But I do think it was very possible.

[45]Although it has been really difficult for me to find information on this, I found some sources that mentioned Hungarian mobilisation, and I was told stories about my great-uncles time in the UDBA, including that there were several hushed-up incidents where the Bulgarians deliberately crossed the border to gauge the Yugoslav response. The Yugoslavs won decisively every time.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

Hope you guys enjoyed the mega-update! Let me know your thoughts

 

[historybuff]

Love it. Like those numbered notes you put in there to for people who aren't familiar with the early years of the Cold War and other bits of history.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

Bump. I'm experimenting with small narrative sections to give a feel for this world, and to highlight differences and create a richer creative tapestry. I felt this was effective in the Trst update, but what do y'all think? I'd love to hear a few opinions

 

[Olligarchy]

I love this TL. Please do continue.

 

[Hrvatskiwi]

I love this TL. Please do continue.

I've got an update on Cuba pretty much mapped out, and I'm starting to collate information on specific events in Eastern Europe. Would like to know what people want to see next though!

Don't expect an update in the next few days though. I've got both a lot of paperwork to do and socialising with some close friends who are leaving for a university in another part of the country, so the ATL isn't exactly #1 on my list of priorities.