Wrapped in Flames: The Great American War and Beyond

[EnglishCanuck]

There's another thing I feel should be considered if they want to esclate matters:

As to #5 there, the Reform Act of 1867 is still five years in the future (but if "pepper the mob" Pam lives longer it could be farther still) which means the ones who really count are the MPs and the Lords at the moment, and the common man in Britain is still waiting on some representation.

With regards to bread prices, well they're probably not going to rise as dramatically. The best example to look at is the period from 1853-56 when Britain went to war with Russia (who was in that period the major supplier of foreign wheat to Britain) and see that the price of bread didn't rise dramatically or contribute to unrest at home (the poorly handled armies in the Crimea was a different story). While this would cause a rise in prices, it is unlikely to significantly upset the apple cart as it were.

6: With regards to India and Ireland, well India is quite quiet after the Mutiny, and the garrison is actually being drawn down from its height in 1860 with troops being sent to China and New Zealand, with the latter becoming more of a problem in 1863. Ireland is something that could potentially blow up (if not now, in the future) thanks to the Fenian Brotherhood, and I in fact do have plans for them.

10: Latin American issues are...tricky. Chile and others have good relations with Britain at the moment for economic reasons, Central America, well they have troubles of their own. Mexico, for obvious reasons, is having poor relations with Europe as a whole. The most significant nation that is dealing with Britain right now is the Empire of Brazil which is actually on track to expel the British ambassador in 1863...

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 32: To Meet the Enemy
​

“The two squadrons on Lake Champlain were similar in composition. Each contained ironclads and wooden steam gunboats, and while the British squadron was inferior in ironclads, she was superior in wooden gun vessels and in the weight of metal thrown by broadside.

The British squadron, with its flag in the ironclad Richelieu, was composed of Richelieu(7), Yamaska(7), and Lawrence(7), with the wooden vessels Sepoy(4), Bullfrog(4), Carnation(4), Spanker(4), Sandfly(4), Herring(4), Cherub(2), and Netley(2). The squadron assembled had some 4,161 tons together and an impressive throw weight with 49 guns. The Albacore class vessels Sepoy and Bullfrog did not carry their full potential armament of weapons, instead carrying two 24pd howitzers each for the purposes of bombardment of our works at Fort Montgomery. The remaining vessels carried between them, 32pd and 68pd weapons, especially new Armstrong guns which were superior in throw weight to anything our squadrons possessed at the time.

Collinson had, in the waters available to him, drilled and maneuvered his squadron so far as he was able. In the fast running waters of the Richelieau and St. Lawrence however, this was far from an ideal environment to drill his crews which were a combination of regular British seamen, and lakers joining from Canada. Beneath him were an experienced set of officers, with service in the late Russian War, and some service in China and constricted waters. Collinson, true to his experience in China and in his many explorations, had taken careful soundings as far south in the river and on the lake as he could, and so was well aware of any hazards which might be lurking ahead of his squadron.

Collinson was new to command​

Winslow, with his flag on Albany, had his squadron comprised of four ironclads, Albany(8) St. Albans(8), Plattsburgh(8), Troy(8), and the wooden gunboats United States(4), Boston(2), Burlington(2), General Greene(2), and Shelburne(2). This totaling 40 guns and a total tonnage of 3,783 tons, but with a drastically inferior throw weight compared to the British squadron. It should be noted that the ironclads were by far the most powerful vessels, each carrying two 8 inch guns in their chase armament, and six 32pd guns in a broadside. The smaller gunboats carried an eclectic mix of 32pd and 24pd weapons, with the United States carrying a single 43pd gun alongside a 32pd in her armament. Despite being strengthened by timber, these auxiliary vessels were woefully inferior to their British built counterparts, which were made for war.

Winslow however, had the advantage in drill over the British. While one could make many great claims for British training, it cannot be disputed that their time in the restricted waters of the St. Lawrence, and Collinson’s lack of experience in squadron command, greatly hindered their effectiveness in drill. Winslow meanwhile, could use the whole of Lake Champlain to run and drill his men in formation and gunnery as necessary. Such should be taken into account when examining the outcome of this battle, especially with the oft derided performance of American seamen by British authors who denounce them as “amateurs” on the water. They forget the strength in formation and gunnery displayed by the American squadron that day…

William’s had wisely kept his gunboats back from the opening bombardment, allowing a modicum of surprise to be achieved. However, he did not expect the American squadron to be nearby.

Winslow had been exercising his squadron in the upper waters of the Lake and so was ready to maneuver to meet the unexpected thrust of the enemy…

…Collinson’s squadron was moving south, his ironclads leading with the gunboats trailing behind. Collinson was aware of Winslow’s squadron as his lookouts were quick to sight the telltale signs of our vessels at work. Leading the way in his flag, Collinson determined to display some of the Nelson touch and so ordered his vessels into a rough line, which was ragged in appearance as it formed. Abandoning previous discussion, he included Sepoy and Bullfrog in his line, determined to add their weight in metal to the bombardment.

Winslow, rightly fearing for his auxiliaries, formed his vessels into two divisions and hove to, using his better armor to hopefully shield his smaller vessels from early British fire. Collinson had committed a grave error in his assumption of line, for only his flag could fire her chaser mounts to engage Winslow as the two squadrons moved to meet one another. Winslow, under no such impediment, opened fire early with ranging shots from his vessels 8inch guns. Solid shot flew, but though he scored early hits he made little headway against the British armor.

Gallantly though, Winslow strove in, closing the range to 200 yards, and opened up with his broadsides. His weaker guns having less power than his chasers, he waited to fire upon the wooden vessels of the British line, in doing so he sacrificed his own armor to give his auxiliaries the chance to strike home against Collinson’s ironclads. Though his line was ragged, Collinson’s gunners fired true, and the first volley ripped through the thinner armor of Winslow’s vessels. Albany was spared the worst of the fire, but Plattsburgh, in the middle of the line, took the full brunt of Collinson’s first barrage.

The vessel shuddered as she was pierced by numerous 68pd shot, and was soon bombarded with abuse from the wooden consorts of Collinson’s squadron. Her sacrifice however, bought time for the wooden vessels to run the ironclads guns and engage their British counterparts in close.

Drawing off the wooden vessels, Winslow was able to turn and bring his heavier guns to bear against the now turning British vessels. The 8inch guns fared well, discomforting Yamaska as she turned to engage the oncoming ironclads and dismounting one of her 68pd mounts. Collinson showed his lack of familiarity with his vessels capabilities by again attempting to form a line, but with his ships turning to fire their chase mounts before again maneuvering to engage.

The heavier broadsides again told, as on this pass the heavily damaged Plattsburgh would be battered into submission, with her steering disabled by the ferocity of shots, and she began to veer wildly away from the action. Winslow himself would be wounded in this pass, and all of his vessels would take moderate damage from the heavier broadside of the British vessels. Though Collinson’s tactics were relatively uninspired, the sheer weight of shot he could bring to bear, and the inferiority of the armor schemes in Winslow’s ironclads, showed that the fight was not presently winnable, and Winslow would order his ships to withdraw southwards.

His wooden vessels had been engaged with the more numerous British vessels, and there too the heavy armament told. Lt. Dewey, aboard United States, led a generally futile, if gallant, action against his more numerous British opponents. Here he would see the inferiority of his own vessels do him ill, as even in the melee he had helped bring on, his shot was not enough to truly discomfort purpose built warships. Though his own command would compel the gunboat Cherub to withdraw with serious damage, that did not prevent the loss of General Greene, nor the hard knocks he took against the far more numerous British vessels.

When the order to disengage came, he kept his ships well in hand and moved off to join the ironclads…

…Plattsburgh would come to a burning stop on the far side of the lake, her crew scuttling her to prevent her capture by Canadian patrols. She would be the only ironclad lost that day, but it would set an example for the necessity of more robust designs…” The Naval War of 1862, Theodore Roosevelt Jr., New York University Press, 1890

Winslow's gallantry would not go unrewarded​

“Even the victory on Lake Champlain could do little to prevent the recriminations that would follow.

Williams had almost immediately begun penning a detailed report explaining why he had chosen (rather than been forced) to withdraw in the face of the enemy. He would explain that the enemies superior numbers, and their strength on the defence had compelled him to remove himself to his own entrenchments or face annihilation. The enemy was simply too strong in his own country, and why should a British army discomfort itself when their objectives were met on their own soil? He would spend more time writing this than properly clamping down on his officers in the immediate aftermath, and would find himself with few friends within the ranks as winter set in.” Blood and Daring: The War of 1862 and how Canada forged a Nation, Raymond Green, University of Toronto Press, 2002

 

[RodentRevolution]

He would explain that the enemies superior numbers, and their strength on the defence had compelled him to remove himself to his own entrenchments or face annihilation. The enemy was simply too strong in his own country, and why should a British army discomfort itself when their objectives were met on their own soil?

I suspect this may prove a recurring problem in British offensives south of the Canadian border. As I said before the British objective has in effect already been met which probably muddles the planning of further operations. On the other hand I would expect the British to be thinking about finding more troops to push the Americans off Canadian soil further west, whether the author agrees will prove interesting.

 

[The Gunslinger]

This tit for tat fighting along the northern border is just wearing everyone out. I honestly suspect that the only way this war ends is with a decisive battle between the Union and Confederacy because I doubt the Union's ability to take Montreal (and maybe Kingston) and the British ability to seize Albany and threaten New York now they've gotten their hand slapped.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

I suspect this may prove a recurring problem in British offensives south of the Canadian border. As I said before the British objective has in effect already been met which probably muddles the planning of further operations. On the other hand I would expect the British to be thinking about finding more troops to push the Americans off Canadian soil further west, whether the author agrees will prove interesting.

Well the historic track record with marching up the Hudson has had some pretty big failures, and William's himself did raise that point, even pointing out that there was a history of disastrous expeditions to the United States, with Braddock, Burgoyne, and Cornwallis. He, so far as I am aware, vehemently opposed any expedition into the United States and wanted the Navy to take the lions share of the fighting by smashing up the Union coast. He (and by and large all of the commissioners assigned to Canada) pointed out that offensive action was probably not viable, with perhaps the exception of seizing Fort Montgomery to prevent an invasion up the Hudson.

Whether London shares that view remains to be seen.

This tit for tat fighting along the northern border is just wearing everyone out. I honestly suspect that the only way this war ends is with a decisive battle between the Union and Confederacy because I doubt the Union's ability to take Montreal (and maybe Kingston) and the British ability to seize Albany and threaten New York now they've gotten their hand slapped.

The paucity of resources for both sides makes this a problem. For the Union because they legitimately can't detach that many resources from the struggle against the Confederacy (right now there's about 100,000 troops near Canada that would be very useful elsewhere, especially out West) and the British can't really detach enough men to make any decisive engagements in the North, with perhaps the exception of Maine. Though like I said before, the history of expeditions overland isn't great, and that remains true for both sides here, witness Benedict Arnold and Wade Hampton for example.

Military considerations though, will soon be taking a back seat to some political concerns coming from both America and Europe, which will make things interesting in the Chinese sense for both parties. Domestic and international.

First however, I've got to get back to events in Virginia...

 

[naraht]

Wondering who will command the Army of the Severn.

 

[MrBill]

I've been following the TL for some time and just got caught up again. Very good and very interesting.

I would think that there would be a surge of patriotic feeling in the north when the British first attack Americans on American soil. I don't remember any discussion about this, but I might have missed it. My thinking is that there might be a large number of in the north that might be against or neutral in the fight against the south, but would react with anger when the British invade American soil. Was there any increase in support for the government in Washington from those groups? Any increase in volunteers for service? Also, I understand that there were many of the Irish in large eastern cities of Boston, New York, etc. Was there any increase in volunteers to fight the British on the part of the Irish.

All in all, I am enjoying this TL.

Thank You,
MrBill

 

[EnglishCanuck]

I've been following the TL for some time and just got caught up again. Very good and very interesting.

I would think that there would be a surge of patriotic feeling in the north when the British first attack Americans on American soil. I don't remember any discussion about this, but I might have missed it. My thinking is that there might be a large number of in the north that might be against or neutral in the fight against the south, but would react with anger when the British invade American soil. Was there any increase in support for the government in Washington from those groups? Any increase in volunteers for service? Also, I understand that there were many of the Irish in large eastern cities of Boston, New York, etc. Was there any increase in volunteers to fight the British on the part of the Irish.

All in all, I am enjoying this TL.

Thank You,
MrBill

Thank you! I'm very glad you've been enjoying it!

As to the support of the people for the administration when war broke out, yes indeed it is there. In Chapter 17 I mentioned a call for 250,000 new Volunteers (which was answered) and the sale of war bonds has been a theme throughout, as they wouldn't sell as much if people weren't behind the government. Also, most of the tens of thousands of men deployed along the coasts or to the cities are state volunteers who've been "federalized" and so freed up the previously enrolled soldiers for field service, which is what allowed the Army of New England to move into Maine to try and stop the Army of the Maritimes from seizing Portland. I perhaps haven't been as up front with it as I should have been (truly I've been caught in the military minutia by and large) and large numbers who would otherwise have been neutral or ambivalent to the war have indeed joined the colors. I suppose I'll have to highlight that more in a later chapter, though as of September support is beginning to crack, but largely from a sense of dissatisfaction with how the war is being run, rather than a lack of support for the war itself.

I'll be sure to highlight that more in an upcoming chapter!

As for the Irish, why yes they have been signing up in droves! In New York there are two divisions worth of Volunteers and militia (roughly 15,000 men or so) garrisoning the harbor and fortifications protecting the city. It's currently under the command of MG John Wool, and it technically counts as a Corps on its own, with the designation of XV Corps for the purposes of defending either New York, or a deployment of militiamen outside the city to support Baltimore, Washington, or Philadelphia. Most of the men now enrolled there are Irish, and many of the Boston Volunteers are if Irish descent as well.

You may have noticed I've been hyping up the Irish Brigade, and how well they've fought. They're going to be able to replenish their numbers when the time comes, you can be sure of that.

I hope that answers your question and I hope you continue to enjoy!

 

[EnglishCanuck]

As an aside, if anyone has any burning questions regarding things not yet mentioned in the TL fell free to ask and I'll try to answer them to the best of my ability!

 

[Sceonn]

I'm curious as to if any changes will be made in the Union, from the General Staffing of the military, banking, women in factories, building more factories and other infrastructure for the war etc...

 

[RodentRevolution]

I am going to actually say it but I am curious as to what EC will have the British do. The Crimean War and the Boer War both saw the British summon up changes in organisation when they realised things were not going to be settled in a month or two. Certainly I would imagine the call would have gone out for volunteers (small v not to be confused with the Volunteer Force) by now.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

I'm curious as to if any changes will be made in the Union, from the General Staffing of the military, banking, women in factories, building more factories and other infrastructure for the war etc...

Much of the changes in the Union will be waiting until the post war world, though by the time 1864 roles around you'll be seeing the genesis of some. You've already seen the change in the tax system and finance the war has brought, though the post war financial situation is something I am still tinkering with since there's a lot of "what if" potential to be covered here. Infrastructure and factories will be looked at a little more as well, and war industries will be a big one too. The United States is going to be doing some serious searching into the nitre problem.

On the military side, well on some issues I am undecided, but on others I know there will be big big changes. I can only hint at some of them for now, but suffice to say a certain naval commander is going to be a big influence on post-war American naval policy...

 

[EnglishCanuck]

I am going to actually say it but I am curious as to what EC will have the British do. The Crimean War and the Boer War both saw the British summon up changes in organisation when they realised things were not going to be settled in a month or two. Certainly I would imagine the call would have gone out for volunteers (small v not to be confused with the Volunteer Force) by now.

Well one thing to think of now is that since 1853, 1857, and now 1862, Britain will have been involved in three big wars that have drawn up thousands of troops. These, while not leaving the British Isles defenceless, have made them rather exposed if it were to come to a major crisis in Europe or somewhere else in the Empire simultaneously, which means major reforms in terms of how the army is supplied and perhaps shaped and deployed, but we shall see whether those presently in power reach that conclusion or not.

For instance, outside three regiments of infantry in Ireland, three in the UK, and the Guards Brigade at home, the garrisons have all been filled with militia and Volunteers, largely for home defence and to fill out the garrisons in the Mediterranean. Other than tapping depot troops though, the battalions at the seat of the war in North America don't have a system for mass replacement and so numerous volunteers or new recruits are going to need to be called to refill them, which will take some time.

Needless to say, with nearly 6 months of fighting the Canadians are feeling the pinch to replace their losses too. But I'll be covering that in another update.

 

[RodentRevolution]

For instance, outside three regiments of infantry in Ireland, three in the UK, and the Guards Brigade at home, the garrisons have all been filled with militia and Volunteers, largely for home defence and to fill out the garrisons in the Mediterranean. Other than tapping depot troops though, the battalions at the seat of the war in North America don't have a system for mass replacement and so numerous volunteers or new recruits are going to need to be called to refill them, which will take some time.

Needless to say, with nearly 6 months of fighting the Canadians are feeling the pinch to replace their losses too. But I'll be covering that in another update.

Well given the British tended to not think a soldier ready without at least six months preparation the gap between the first surge and the flow of replacements for ongoing operations is rather a given. The thing is though the British just like everyone start making reforms and reorganisations and initiate recruitment drives before they see the benefits of them. One of the known knowns of British system was while it would be great for getting up to 100,000 highly trained men to the sharp and pointy end after that came a "now what?"

It is your take on the now what I am interested in. At what point it occurs to the War Office as opposed to the Admiralty there is going to be a stage 2 and then how they go about matters which might be divided under two broad headings of Recruitment and Supply because for some things at least on the supply front I suspect the Admiralty might well have got there first which could throw up some interesting tensions.

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Well given the British tended to not think a soldier ready without at least six months preparation the gap between the first surge and the flow of replacements for ongoing operations is rather a given. The thing is though the British just like everyone start making reforms and reorganisations and initiate recruitment drives before they see the benefits of them. One of the known knowns of British system was while it would be great for getting up to 100,000 highly trained men to the sharp and pointy end after that came a "now what?"

It is your take on the now what I am interested in. At what point it occurs to the War Office as opposed to the Admiralty there is going to be a stage 2 and then how they go about matters which might be divided under two broad headings of Recruitment and Supply because for some things at least on the supply front I suspect the Admiralty might well have got there first which could throw up some interesting tensions.

It is interesting, since you see lots of officers pointing this out in the period, noting that while they have a large force, whenever it is deployed the British Isles are stripped of every available soldier. This lesson in 1862 will reinforce that, funnily enough the 1859 Royal Commission would only be delivering their report on that matter in 1862 itself, so this time around some of their points will probably gain a bit more traction than it did historically. I intend to deal with those lessons imminently, as like the Union currently, the call will soon be going out around the Empire for "more men and ships" to deal with various little crisis that will be popping up in 1862-63 that I will be mentioning when I do a future chapter reviewing the state of affairs around the world.

The government in London at this point is reaching the stage where they either need to decide to buckle down and commit more to the war, or to draw off and open negotiations on that front.

The Admiralty is doing some hard thinking of its own (the war hasn't been cheap for them) but at this point Somerset, who was so lackluster in his support earlier, is now staking his political career on the war and has been unusually active in making sure the navy gets what it wants. How that will go when it comes to the issue of supplying the war effort, well that will be interesting!

 

[MrBill]

The British now occupy Portland, Maine. What is the current population in the British occupied area? Civilians, American POWs, battle ready British troops, sick/injured British troops, others. The reason I ask is that now the British must ship in food and other supplies for all those people. How much shipping will have to be available to meet this demand?

Winter is coming in just a few months, the British/Canadian forces along the St. Lawrence River will soon be isolated from supplies, so now is the time to build up supplies from GB for the winter. More shipping needed. Once the river ices up, GB will only be able to ship to Nova Scotia and Portland, ME.

I don't think the British will be able to use the GTRR to ship supplies to their inland forces. I'm sure the Americans moved or destroyed locomotives and cars when the city was imperiled and actions to destroy rails and bridged have taken place. The British will have to ship in locomotives, moving stock, rails, switches, spikes, etc. if they want to try to control the railroad and use it for logistical support.

The Americans will find supplying their forces much easier, in most cases there are railroads connected to the factories and cities of the North. The American supplies are much closer to the fronts and there is a much faster reaction time for critical shortages.

Just a few thoughts.

Thank You,
MrBill

 

[EnglishCanuck]

The British now occupy Portland, Maine. What is the current population in the British occupied area? Civilians, American POWs, battle ready British troops, sick/injured British troops, others. The reason I ask is that now the British must ship in food and other supplies for all those people. How much shipping will have to be available to meet this demand?

Can't give you the whole population, but with much of occupied Maine, they have the state capital at Augusta and Portland, with numerous other little towns in between, the only spot not in British hands is Fort Knox and Bangor where some 4,000 Maine militia are holed up. Though roughly the number of POW's from Maine is 10,000, and numerous militiamen have been paroled. The POW's have been shipped to prison camps in Nova Scotia at Windsor and Truro (though some officers are held in Halifax). The number of British troops in Maine at present is 22,000, faced by roughly an equal number of soldiers (though it's about 19,000) under Keye who are fortified at the village of Westbrook just north of Portland.

However, neither side is interdicting the shipment of food or supplies now that the siege has ended. There's two reasons for this: firstly Lincoln nor his generals have any interest in bringing the misery of war to loyal northerners, and secondly because they know the British are not there to occupy the territory in perpetuity. The British are being remarkably lenient in most things, allowing trade and simply ordering no interference with the British movements overland (but since they control the coasts and rivers, it isn't a huge issue).

Winter is coming in just a few months, the British/Canadian forces along the St. Lawrence River will soon be isolated from supplies, so now is the time to build up supplies from GB for the winter. More shipping needed. Once the river ices up, GB will only be able to ship to Nova Scotia and Portland, ME.

That is an imminent problem for the British. They have been working to improve the winter road overland throughout the year, but that's no substitute for either a functional railroad or sea shipping. However, they have been working to stretch the railroad from St. Andrews further north to Tobique.

For the moment though, they're rushing as many men and supplies as are available across the Atlantic and up the St. Lawrence/Rideau Canal to supply the men in theater before the winter ice arrives. However, once the ice arrives only the sledge route will be available, and the only current plus is that with Houlton and Fort Fairfield occupied and patrolled by the New Brunswick militia, there's no reason to expect any difficulty in keeping the supply route open in winter.

I don't think the British will be able to use the GTRR to ship supplies to their inland forces. I'm sure the Americans moved or destroyed locomotives and cars when the city was imperiled and actions to destroy rails and bridged have taken place. The British will have to ship in locomotives, moving stock, rails, switches, spikes, etc. if they want to try to control the railroad and use it for logistical support.

The Americans will find supplying their forces much easier, in most cases there are railroads connected to the factories and cities of the North. The American supplies are much closer to the fronts and there is a much faster reaction time for critical shortages.

The British plans to use the Grand Trunk from Maine are/were a little over the top in my thinking. For one thing the Americans still maintain enough resources in theater to harass this route making overland supply difficult, and the British would need, as you say, to ship in most of the men and material necessary to operate it. Thus far it simply doesn't make sense. Even the Grand Trunk in Canada during winter can be difficult, but should be enough to supply the men already in Canada during the winter months.

The Americans are in a better position since their rail network on each front is denser, and they are closer to most of their supplies allowing them to shift men and material around to meet new threats (hence why they could take two divisions from Maine and use them to deal Williams a good defeat) and one they intend to use for upcoming events out West too.

Just a few thoughts.

Thank You,
MrBill

Thank you for your thoughts and I hope this answered your questions!

 

[EnglishCanuck]

Chapter 33: The Test of Command
​

“The interval between the decay of the old and the formation and establishment of the new constitutes a period of transition which must always necessarily be one of uncertainty, confusion, error, and wild and fierce fanaticism.” – John C. Calhoun, A Disquisition on Government, 1851

“The Second Battle of Centreville was, in many respects, an anticlimax. Though Johnston had been uncharacteristically swift to follow up his pursuit of McClellan following his victory on the Rappahannock, his execution of his battle plan was lackluster.

Despite his desire to launch a coordinated attack, over the three days of fighting he would commit Longstreet and Jackson’s divisions piecemeal, feeding Jackson in slowly at Manassas Junction on the 9th, and then adding Longstreet to the dawn attacks on the 10th, keeping Magruder’s Wing in reserve. So when the two corps broke through the defenses of Mansfield’s corps’ and took the Junction, they were in no shape to mount an effective flanking maneuver as Johnston said he intended would take place.

McClellan’s counter attack on the 11th simply rolled over Smith’s troops holding in front of Centreville, and it would be up to Magruder to stem the tide. Only Whiting’s division would again perform flawlessly in stymying Porter’s men and singlehandedly holding out against three to one odds as the battle raged.

Johnston chose to retire in the face of a numerically superior enemy which no doubt prevented many needless casualties, though he would again disobey directives from President Davis and retreat to the Rappahannock. This incensed Davis, who ranted against his “precipitous general” as a “puffed up fowl caught preening one too many times by the weasel.” This would necessitate his removal from command of the Arny of Northern Virginia. In his place he would appoint Robert E. Lee, who had been serving as his military adviser since March.

Lee’s choice was not universally popular at first. Many still remembered the inauspicious events of his Western Virginia Campaign in late 1861, where despite superior numbers he had been beaten by McClellan. He had earned the nickname “Evacuating Lee” in the press, and during his time in South Carolina he had been nicknamed “The King of Spades” for his role in merely digging trenches. Indeed many in Richmond saw it as Davis appointing the first available man simply out of pique with Johnston, whom all knew had been on progressively worsening terms with the President. It did not help that Johnston was then appointed to Lee’s old posting in the Department of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, which many saw as a backwater posting.

However, other officers would have this time to shine…

Robert E. Lee, new commander of the Army of Northern Virginia​

Whiting would receive his promotion to Major General in late September…

Hooker perhaps received the greatest gift. Though dismayed at the serious wounds suffered by Heintzelman, here was an opportunity to climb the ranks. Hooker would be appointed to the command if III Corps in the aftermath of the battle, and would shake up the overall command of his new corps. Through the fighting his corps had suffered, not only with its commander severely wounded, but with one its division commanders wounded as well. Now Hooker had to promote two men to prime slots.

One was the notorious Daniel Sickles, whose Excelsior Brigade had earned just fame on the Rappahannock and at Manassas, and the one armed general Phillip Kearny. Each man was a supporter and confidant of Hooker, and with each division now under men whom Hooker personally trusted and supported, Hooker felt comfortable making certain changes in the overall organization of his Corps.

He instituted an overall Corps insignia, to make sure his men recognized where they were in battle, and handed out insignia at the brigade level to ensure men knew which unit they were attached to. Though his Corps headquarters would be described as “something akin to a saloon and a brothel” it would be recognized as one of the most well drilled Corps in the whole army, with Rosecrans saying “say what one will of Hooker’s particular vices, but the men following him are neat in their organization, and fierce in their pride, truly an army of vice.”

Rosecrans himself was growing tired under McClellan’s command. Despite earning honors for himself and V Corps at the Rappahannock, he had again been held in reserve at Centreville. His corps was now the strongest in the army, and he would write McClellan reminding of this fact, to which McClellan would brusquely inform him “It does not go without saying sir, that a reserve is meant to be strong.” The simmering tension between the two officers would continue to increase…” To Arms!: The Great American War, Sheldon Foote, University of Boston 1999.

The first iteration of the III Corps insignia ​

“Lincoln found himself buoyed for the first time in many months with news of disasters for the British and Confederates. True the news from Nashville and Augusta was disheartening, but with the main armies of the enemy stopped on all fronts besides, he seemed to regain much of his old confidence. News of Johnson’s failed attempts to cross the Salt River under the guns of Thomas merely added to his present euphoria.

His continued discussion of the issue of slavery in private, finally came to a head with the victories of 1862. Lincoln had decided that now the nation would need to gamble…” Snakes and Ladders: The Lincoln Administration and America’s Darkest Hour, Hillary Saunders, Scattershot Publishing, 2003

 

[EnglishCanuck]

I hope no one is horribly put out that I didn't go into exhaustive detail regarding Second Centreville, but I figure you'll all be slightly more interested in the next two narrative chapters followed by; Chapter 36: Fraught with Consequences!

 

[TheKnightIrish]

Hello Kearny!